Complete Issue
Jan 1982
January iSBZ, Volume 4 No Z He. 1
BPP Tercentenary: A New Age Dawns
i
For 300 years the Bombay Parsi Pun
chayet never celebrated their centenary
anniversaries, lamented the former BPP
Chairman, B.K. Boman-Behram.
Then Sapur Desai, a former secretary
of the Punchayet told the trustees that
the BPP’s tercentenary “should not be
allowed to pass by unnoticed.” So eight
years after the actual event, and amid
the usual controversies for and against
celebrating the occasion, the BPP
ushered in the next 100 years with a
grand function at the Birla Mathushree
Sabhangar in Bombay on November 7,
1 98 1.Present attheaugust gathering
were the Vice-Presidem of India, M.
Hidayatullah, the Governor of Maha- depend on the government for assist- original nucleus of the Trust Funds of
rashtra, O.P. Mehra, the Mayor of ance. They go to the help of the poor the Punchayet which today run into sev-
Bombay, Dr. A.U. Memon and the elite themselves.” eral crores of rupees.”
of the community. Boman-Behram, in his inaugural The Governor of Maharashtra, Air
Two notable events coincided with address, said that for over 300 years the Marshal O.P. Mehra, stated that a small
the tercentenary celebrations, one being BPP had “done well by the commun- community like the Parsis had “made an
the inauguration of the Framji Dadab- ity... the Punchayet has kept the com- outstanding contribution to all facets of
hoy Alpaiwalla Museum, the first com- munity together.’’Tracing the origins of life in the country.” Noting the com
munity museum of its kind in India, and the BPP, “one of the biggest welfare munity’s declining population and the
the releasing of the book. The History of trusts in the country ,”'Boman-Behram tendency towards “limiting the size of
the Bombay Parsi Punchayet 1860-1960 noted the institution “owes its origin to
written by S.F. Desai.
After inaugurating the museum, situ- Second British Governor of Bombay pie.”
Hidayatullah disagreed with the Gov
ernor that “the Parsis should have small
individual members of the community
and framed its regulations, what were
called ‘Bundobusts’, to govern the reli
gious and social life of the community.
The regulations covered matters per
taining to religious practices and cus
toms, marriages and divorces and social
habits and usages of the community.
“For long it performed its functions
without funds. In the beginning of the
18th century, the Punchayet engaged a
staff of three persons which has now
grown into a work-force of nearly 500.
The first Deed of Trust was made on 4th
Hidayatullah at Alpaiwalla Museuni.
President said that unlike the vast December 1851 with an am ’ount of
majority of Indians, “the Parsis don’t Rs. 18,062 at its disposal; this was the
Boman-Behram, in his inaugural
the initiative of Gerald Aungier, the
the family,” Mehra wished other com
munities would follow the Parsi “exam-
' , ated in the Khareghat Memorial Build- (1669-1677)...Aungier organised all the
ing on Patkar Marg (Hughes Road)- various castes and communities into
described by Hidayatullah as “a associations or Punchayets to manage families.” Instead they should follow the
remarkable collection, small but selec- the social and religious affairs of their precept of the Bible and “go out and
tive,” the Vice-President and others fellow members. Hence the Punchayet multiply.” He also advised the commun-
arrived at the Birla. came into existence in Bombay. All oth- ity to show “a little more liberality
Addressing the gathering of around ers seem to have died out or seldom towards erring Parsis...perhaps there
600, Hidayatullah praised the BPP stat- functioned, but the Parsi Punchayet of are stray sheep in every community.”
The Mayor recalled how as a child,
the Parsis were always held in high
“In the early days, the Punchayet esteem and cited as a community to
I
ing that “a trusteeship that has lasted Bombay formed in 1673 has survived to
300 years does not need any recommen- this day...
dation.” Noting the Punchayet’s social * ' ' “
welfare efforts over the years, the Vice- heard and decided disputes between emulate. “The Bombay Municipal Cor-
. contd. on pg. /
t'HfePOT'si
Cvis^^
Tfl
WS1
Petit vs Jeejeebhoy IV
Historical Conversion.
From Emperors to Paupers.
THE JUDGEMENT SO FAR
/n 1903, R.D. Tata married according
to Par si rites, a French lady, after
having her navjote performed. Tata
claimed his wife “had become a Farsi
professing the Zoroastrian faith
and consequently she was entitled to
participate in all the charitable and
religious Funds and Institutions of the
Par sis ” including the right to enter
fire temples and have her body
consigned to the Towers of Silence.
Thus the scene was set for the historic
court case of Petit vs Jeejeebhoy, also
known as “The Parsi Punchayet Case. ”
The question before the two judges of
the Bombay High Court, Justice
Frank C. O. Beaman and Justice
Dinshaw Dhanjibhoy Daver, was
whether a person born in another faith
but converted to Zoroastrianism was
entitled to the benefits of certain
community trusts.
The plaintiffs (Sir Dinsha Maneckji
Petit, Tata and others) contended
Zoroastrianism enjoins and practices
conversion and that converts are
entitled to all the benefits provided. The
def endants (Sir Jamsetji Jeejeebhoy)
and others) while admitting that
Zoroastrianism permits conversion
stated that “ever since their (Parsis)
advent into India (they) have not
admitted a Juddin (person belonging to
another religion) into their fold. They
admit, however, that children born
of a Zoroastrian father by an alien
mother has been admitted into their
fold by the performance of the
Navjote ceremony. ”
The plaintiffs called certain witness’s
to “give some concrete instances of
conversion of Juddins to Zoroastrianism. ’’
Daver, in the part \of the judgement
printed in the last three issues of
Parsiana, discredited the evidence
presented by the witnesses.
The Plaintiffs relied on certain histori
cal instances as proving the admission
of Juddins into the Zoroastrian reli
gion. The three historical instances were:
(1) The conversion of three learned
Hindu Pandits whose names are
mentioned in the Dhup Nirang.
(2) The conversion of the Emperor
Akbar.
(3) The conversion of certain men,
women, and children of Mazagon,
who were admitted into the religion
by the late Dustoor Jamaspji in the
year 1882.
The first one of these three instances
relied on by the Plaintiffs is the oldest.
The whole fabric of this historical
instance of the supposed conversion of
three Brahmin Pandits to Zoroastrian
ism is based on a passage in the Dhup
Nirang. Its translation by Anquetil du
Perron in the prayer is as follows :
“I invoke here the pure and happy soul
of Mobed Hemdjiar Ormuzdiar (son of)
Herbed Rahmiar. 1 invoke the pure and
happy soul of Mobed Neriosang (son
of) Daval. I invoke the pure and happy
soul of Biopendet (son of) Djesalpendet
(brother of) Schobulpendet.”
Anquetil du Perron says that the
three last names are the names of three
Hindu Pandits, Bio, Djesal. and Scho-
bal, who were converted to Zoroastria
nism. It is not very clear from the trans
lation whether the invocations are to the
souls of all three, or only to that of the
first one, the others being merely the
recital of the names of the father and
brother of the first. Several learned men
who have been examined in this case
have been questioned on this point. By
some scholars these Pandits are sup
posed to have been converted 400 or 500
years ago; by others 1200 years ago. Mr.
Sheriarji Bharucha says, Anquetil du
Perron puts the period when these Pan
dits flourished as the same when Nerio
sang flourished, and tradition has it that
Neriosang was amongst the original
emigrants from Persia to whom Jadav
Rana of Gujerat gave permission to fet
tle in India. The latter opinion seems to
be the better opinion. The conjunction
of Neriosang’s name with these three
names lend support to the suggestion
that when the Dhup Nirang prayers
were composed, the names of great
men, who had flourished in those days
about the same time, were named
together in the invocations.
It seems that, at one time, it was taken
for granted that what Anquetil du Per
ron had said about these three men
being Hindu Pandits and converted to
Zoroastrianism was correct, and the
religions experts who framed their
report assumed this statement to be cor
rect. Since signing the report, however,
Mr. Jivanji Mody, the Secretary to the
Trustees of the Punchayet Funds and
Properties, who was one of the Defend
ants’ principal witnesses, has changed
his opinion on this as on other points in
the case, and he has submitted to the
Court several theories against Anquetil
du Perron’s statement that these Pun
dits were converted to Zoroastrianism.
He finds from his research that these
three names are not known to Sanskrit
scholars as those of Hindu Pandits of
those days. He thinks Anquetil du Per
ron was misled into believing them to be
Hindus. He thinks it is possible they
were learned Parsis and called Pandits.
This is not by any means an improbable
suggestion. A learned Mahomedan is a
Moola, a learned Hindu is a’Pandit, and
a Hindu le arned in the Shastras is aShas-
tri. Parsis have been known by the sur
name of Moola, and Mr. Jivanji Mody
showed an instance of a Parsi spoken of
in a book as a Shastri. I have had
recently before me Marathi literature in
which the present Secretary of State for
India is spoken of as Pandit Morley.
This is, however, an alternative sugges
tion made by Mr. Mody, which, I think,
is probably the correct explanation of
this passage in the Dhup Nirang.
It is very likely that these three men
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Had a great Emperor like Akbar become a Zoroastrian
his very first acts would have been
the building and consecration of Atash Behrams and Dokhmas.
!
!
A Zoroastrian is nothing if he is not nesses asserted and others contradicted
the suggestion that Akbar was Zoroas-
were good men, who had rendered great
services to the Zoroastrians in their altruistic in his prayers. His prayers are
early days of settlement in India. If they not confined to asking for blessings on trian bordered on the ridiculous,
were contemporaries of Nariosang, they himself, his family, and his community,
may have been men who were promi
nent in giving the wanderers a home in a
strange land and in extending them a
kindly welcome in this country. In grate- holy and virtuous men of all communi- Akbar had become a Parsi and a
ful remembrance of these kindly servi- ties; his prayers invoke blessings on his Zoroastrian.” He, however, imme-
ces, their names were most probably Sovereign, on his village, on his coun- diately destroyed the fabric built on his
inserted in the Dhup Nirangby the Dus- try, on the universe; they comprise the researches by saying, in the very next
toor who composed those prayers. It is
extremely difficult to believe that this
handful of homeless strangers, so soon
after they were permitted to make their
home in a foreign country, should have
succeeded in converting to their own
religion three eminent and learned
Hindu Brahmins. Anquetil du Perron
appends a note to his translation of this Zoroastrians alone.
passage which is very suggestive. He
says ;
“These three Dustoors were Brahmins
converted to the religion of Zoroaster,
but whom the fear of the Rajahs obliged nism—a theory for which there is abso-
to hide their conversion.”
How then, if their conversion was a
secret, did Anquetil du Perron come to
know of it ? From the mere fact that at
the end of the three names the word
Pandit was affixed, I am not prepared own home by religious persecution; and Zoroastrian religion, started the canard
to hold that they are the names of three
Hindu Pandits; and from the mere fact
that their names appear in the Dhup names in their prayers, so that them- fable evidently tickled the fancy of
Nirang, 1 am not prepared to hold that
they were converts to Zoroastrianism,
assuming, for argument’s sake, that
they were Hindus. The mere fact that a
name appears in the prayers of the
• Zoroastrians, does not prove that the
bearer of that name was a Zoroastrian
for Mr. Jivanji Mody has conclusively the Plaintiffs’ case with any gravity. Six allowed himself to be led into the use of
proved before the Court that the name
of Firdusi Tooshi is also recited in the
Dhup Nirang. No one can seriously sug
gest that Firdusi Tooshi was a con
verted Zoroastrian. Assuming that the
three names in the Dhup Nirang are the Emperor Akbar was a converted
names of three Brahmins, the presence
of those names is most easily explained.
Mr. Behramgor Tehmurus Anklesa-
His prayers include invocations and ria gravely told the Court that, from his
petitions for benefits, both spiritual or researches, he had come to the conclu-
temporal, for all Zoroastrians, for all sion “that at a certain period of his life
holy and virtuous men of all communi
ties; his prayers invoke blessings on his
try, on the universe; they comprise the
names of all good and great men whose breath, that Akbar could not be said to
souls are invoked for the good of all have lived and died a Parsi, because he
mankind. One favourite mode arnongst was buried. Says the witness, the first
the Zoroastrians of acknowledging and act of a convert would have been to
for ever remembering the good work of build a Dokhma and Akbar never built
a great man, is to include his name in his one. Thus, to his evident satisfaction,
prayers,and such a distinction it is not the witness proved that
necessary,, as far as 1 know, to confine to
the witness proved that his
conclusion —arrived at from his
researches—was wrong.
Mr. Jivanji Mody, in his book on Whereas I find great difficulty in
entertaining the theory that Bio Pandit, “Parsi at the Court of Akbar” gave cur-
Djsul Pandit, and Schobul Pandit were
Brahmins converted to Zoroastria-
rency to the theory of Akbar’s conver
sion, and a book called “Akbar
Charitra” contained a ballad to the
effect that Akbar was invested by Dus lutely no foundation, I have no
difficulty in believing that they were toor Meherji Rana with Sudra and
good men who had rendered services to Kusti. It seem to me that, in a fit of
distressed Zoroastrians when they religious fervour, some irresponsible
landed in this country, driven from their people, extolling the merits of the
that, in gratitude for their kindness, the that even the great Emperor Akbar was
Zoroastrians of the day introduced their once a convert to Zoroastrianism. This
selves and succeeding generations of enthusiasts, who gave currency to if and
Zoroastrians may for ever cherish their embellished the story by adding details
memory. ' as their fancy suggested. Mr. Jivanji
The second historical instance of Mody and others gave currency to the
alien conversion to Zoroastrianism is story, and, never dreaming that some
that of the Emperor Akbar. I confess I day it would be used against the inter
feel a difficulty in discussing this part of ests of the very religion he was extolling.
otherwise sober and sensible people language which justifies an impression
solemnly instruct their Counsel to
urge—in support of their contention
that it is customary and usual amongst combats the theory of Akbar having
Zoroastrians to convert aliens—that the ever been a Zoroastrian.
Whether Mr. Jivanji Mody and
Zoroastrian. And the equal solemnity others expressed their belief in the story
with which some ol the learned wit- or not, the fact remains that Akbar lived
that he was expressing his own belief in
the story. He now, however, stoutly
i
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“I will be buried, but you try
and get admission into the religion of our fathers.”
¦
and died a professed Mahomedan. Had
a great Emperor like Akbar become a
Zoroastrian at any period of his life, his
very first acts would have been the buil
ding and consecration of Atash
Behrams and Dokhmas; and if there is
any, the smallest, foundation for the
story that Akbar had embraced
Zoroastrianism, responsible historians
would have recorded it as an event of toor Jamaspji’s pamphlet that there
very great importance.
The third historical instance on which
the Plaintiffs rely, far from being shad
owy and unsubstantial as the first two,
is based on facts. There ought to be no
dispute as to what the real facts were,
for they are recorded in great detail by
the late Dustoor Jamaspji Minochurji, Parsi community of Bombay for some
who, every one of the witnesses who time, and some years previous to 1882,
were asked about it, say, was a man of the late Mr. Merwanji Framji Panday
the highest integrity, honour, and truth- interested himself in their behalf and
fulness. In the year 1882, Dustoor offered to have them invested with
Jamaspji, one of the two head priests of Sudra and Kusti; but these people, who
the Shenshai section of the Parsi Com- belonged to a very humble sphere of
munity, invested nine persons—five life—the men earning their livelihood
females and four males, whose ages by working in the Docks—were fright-
ranged from 35 to 77—with Sudra and ened into a belief that the orthodox por-
Kusti in the presence of a large number tion of the community would subject
of leading Parsis. 1
The other high priest, Dustoor divest them of Sudra and Kusti; so they
Peshotan—between whom and Dus- abstained from taking advantage of the
toor Jamaspji there always existed great offer.
rivalry and unfriendliness—issued !_______ .
handbills and distributed them amongst presented the petition to the Trustees to
the people assembled as soon as the which 1 have referred. In this they
Navjot ceremony was over, statingthat solemnly asserted that they were all
as he was not aware that ceremonies had born of Parsi fathers, that they were all
been performed by Dustoor Jamaspji in of true Parsi olad, and that they were
admitting Juddins in the Zoroastrian desirous of being invested with Sudra
religion, he would not allow the newly- and Kusti and of being formally admit-
admitted men and women in his Atash ted into the Zoroastrian religion. The
Behram. He subsequently published a Trustees took no action on the petition
pamphlet stating therein what, accord- but about 200 leading Parsis interested
ing to him, were the necessary ceremo
nies to be performed before admitting
Juddins into the Zoroastrian religion.
Dustoor Jamaspji published a pam- toor Jamaspji thereupon instituted very
phlet in refutation of Dustoor Pesho- strict enquiries and satisfied himself
tan’s brochure, jn which he most that all these eleven people were of Parsi
emphatically resented theapplication of boon that is, of Parsi fathers.
It was after he was satisfied that what
these people had stated about their
Parsi origin was true that Dustoor
Jamaspji, in the presence of an assemb-
the word Juddins to the people he had
invested with Sudra and Kusti. In that
part, Dustoor Jamaspji gives the whole
history of the case and publishes copy of
a Petition, addressed by the people lage of Parsis, in a public place and in
whom he had admitted to Zoroastrian- the most open manner, invested nine
ism, to the Trustees of the Parsi Pyn-
chayet Funds and Properties on the
19th of May, 1881. It appears from Dus-
out of the eleven persons with Sudra
and Kusti. The remaining two were
children of 5 and 2, and had not arrived
at the age when they could be invested.
This is the correct history of what
were spoken of as Mazagon converts.
They were in no sense Juddins. They
were born of Zoroastrian fathers, They
professed the Zoroastrian religion as
soon as they arrived at the age of discre
tion. They observed all the outward
forms of the religion of their fathers.
They prayed for admission into the reli
gion of their fathers at the dying request
of one of them who said : “I will be
buried, but you try and get admission
into the religion of our fathers and
after full enquiries, when the Dustoor
was satisfied that every one of them was
of Parsi olad, they were admitted to the
religion of their fathers.
Mr. Jivanji Mody, who is fully con-
them to personal violence and forcibly versant with what has happend in the
Parsi community, says with reference to
this event, as follows :
“The Mazagon cases took place in 1882.
Sometime afterwards, however, they After those cases, Dustoor Ptshotan,
one of the high priests, published a pam
phlet finding fault with Dustoor
Jamaspji, who performed the ceremo
nies, for not having performed all the
proper ceremonies. Dustoor Peshotan
complains of no Burushnum being per
formed before the Navjot ceremony. He
contends that the Reemun Burushnum
ought to have been first performed, then
the investiture ceremony should have
been performed, and then the great nine
nights’ Burushnum should have been
performed. Dustoor Jamaspji, in the
Mazagon cases, gave the great Burush
num of the nine nights to the people
whom he admitted in this Zoroastrian
faith. Dustoor Jamaspji wrote and pub-
were at Mazagon eleven persons—men,
women, and children—who had been
for a long time observing all the reli
gious forms of Zoroastrianism and
dressing as Parsis, but who had remained
uninvested with Sudra and Kusti.
Their existence was well known to the
themselves on their behalf and collected
a fund. They approached Dustoor
Jamaspji to admit these people. Dus-
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lished a pamphlet in reply to Dustoor
Peshotan.Dustoor Jamaspji argues at
page 78 of his pamphlet that the Ree-
mun Burushnum is not necessary.”
A little later on Mr. Jivanji Mody
said :
“In 1882, Dustoor Peshotan published
his pamphlet referring to the Mazagon
cases. He treated those people as jud-
dins. The pamphlet is headed “Explana
tion of the ceremonies that should be
performed for the admission of juddins
to the Zoroastrian religion.” At page 4,
you find that byjuddins, Dustoor Pesho
tan means children of Parsi fathers by
alien mothers.”
1 have detailed at some length the
controversy between two high priests as
to what are the ceremonies necessary for
admitting children of a Parsi father by
an alien mother, as the question is of
importance on another point which I
propose to discuss later. It is difficult to
give the exact meaning of the word Jud-
din. Literally, the word signifies a per
son belonging to another religion.
There is no question that a person born
of both non-Zoroastrian parents is a
juddin, but I do not think Dustoor
Peshotan was right in calling the child
ren of a Parsi father and an alien mother
juddins. For present purposes, it is suffi
cient to point out that the three histori
cal instances do not in any way help the
Plaintiffs.
Defendants have never denied that
children of Parsi fathers have been
admitted before now—no doubt, in
some instances, without their under^o-
• ing the nine nights’ Burushnum; and the
admission of the Mazagon peoples loses
all its importance for the Plaintiffs the
moment it is established that the per
sons admitted were the offspring of
Parsi fathers. The details given by Dus
toor Jamaspji in his pamphlet with ref
erence to each one of the nine persons
whom he admitted proves beyond all
doubt that they were, every one of them,
the offspring of Parsi fathers.
TO BE CONTINUED
Aek Aimakath.i
THE PRIESTLY
PROBLEM
The life of Dastur Dhalla XXI
Aek Atmakatha is the autobiography of the late Dr. Maneck Nusser-
wanji Dhalla, high priest of the Pakistan Parsis and a scholar of
world repute. This is the 21st edited and condensed extract from the
book “Dastur Dhalla - The Saga of a soul” - an English translation by
Gool and Behram Rustomji of the original Gujarati, published by the
Dastur Dhalla Memorial Institute, Karachi.
After the publication of my book The
adornment of priests in 1897 I have deli-
Born to a poor Dastur family in Surat vered several lectures on this intricate
on 27 August 1875, Dhalla moved
with his family to Karachi three years
later. He was married to five-year-old
Cooverbai when he was eight
years old. Afterfailing his matriculation, observed keenly and experienced
Dhalla sought employment while
educating himself in religious matters.
With the assistance of the Karachi
Parsis, Dhalla studied Iranian languages under how I have begun to see and
in Bombay and then proceeded to
Columbia University in New York,
where he was awarded a Ph.D. in 1908.
On his return to India he was
nominated head priest of Karachi
in which capacity he tried to critically
evaluate old religious beliefs and
customs in the light of his
broadened outlook.
This approach caused him to clash
with the more orthodox section of the
community and he became involved
in several religious and social
controversies.
But despite the opposition, Dhalla
proceeded with his efforts to
educate the community and resolve
old conflicts.
THE STORY SO FAR
subject and have written many articles
about it. During the long interval that
has elapsed since then, I have pondered
deeply on this my pet subject. I have
widely. In doing so my views on the
subject formed on sentiment fifty years
ago have altered and I shall state here-
understand this problem since some
time.
In the religious and social life of our
community a great deal has been
handed down to us by the Indo-lranians
prior to Zarathushtra. Among other
things the onus of hereditary priesthood
has been foisted upon us which has
come down from time immemorial, long
before the ancient Peshdadian and Kya-
nian period.
The accident of birth creates our das-
turs and our mobeds. Our Athornan
fold has become a distinct class by itself.
The son of a Brahmin becomes a Brah
min, irrespective of calibre or capability.
Similarly, every Zoroastrian descended
from the priestly flock is invested with
the garb of priesthood. If all the men-
The question of supplying highly quali- folk born within a certain fold hold the
fied priests to meet with the demands of monopoly of a particular profession, it
a cultured community like the Parsis has
been repeatedly discussed since at least a
hundred years. The community has
spent large sums of money to solve this
perplexing problem and has made many are at liberty to carry on any other occu-
a pious attempt. It has not been able to pation besides their sacred vocation. In
find a way out of this difficulty upto Sassanian Iran, educated priests became
date. prime ministers, ambassadors, judges,
is not possible for the community to
sustain them. Because of this, in India as
there are many more Brahmins than the
Hindu community can maintain, they
5r
In the field of learning, our religious
dignitaries, teachers, scribes, while had the monopoly of weaving ‘Kustis’ laymen came forth to serve. Yet the
those who were illiterate took any ordi- for all Zoroastrians, they were able to practicing priests remained as they were
nary occupation to make both ends earn a little from that profession. To a fifty years ago.
meet. large extent this routine continues to the
Hereditary priesthood entails: A con- present day.
glomeration of an excess of priests;
their principal qualification — a perfec- leaders were somewhat superior to those
tion in performing ceremonies; cere
monials — their mainstay of existence.
Due to the above reasons, wherever
there is hereditary priesthood, that reli- Navar or a Maratab to be able to read tively ignorant. The priestly profession
Young Athornan graduates began to
put on black-turbaned paghdis or phen-
tas. They were credited as being quali
fied while those of their family who took
who patronized them. Very few laymen to priesthood and whose education ter-
were literate, whereas it was essential for minated at the learning of three or four
every young mobed aspiring to be a Gujerati books were called compara-
gion becomes replete with rituals for the and write in order to be able to learn by lost its reputation. Mobed and Andhi-
„ , , 1 aru became terms of ridicule. In Parsi
in Avestan script or transcribed in Guje- dramas and plays the farcical roles were
rati. assigned to Andhiarus together with
Those priests and laymen who were Iranisand villagers. The sons of Mobeds
themselves began to believe that to be a
mobed was degrading.
The newly-enlightened section of the
community drew everyone’s attention to
Christian priests and complained about
the backwardness of our religious lead
ers. From 1839 when Rev. Wilson con
verted two Parsi youths and
commenced a tirade against the teach
ings of the Zoroastrian faith, the com-
Educated Ervads were
available but means to
employ them were
maintenance of its priests. The priests rote lengthy prayers from books written
themselves perforce make it so. Only
then can their fold find sufficient means
of livelihood.
Such is the condition of today’s heirs
of the priestly class. The followers of
prophet Zarathustra’s simple, ethical
and devotional religion have turned it
into a religion of unlimited rituals.
Twelve hundred years ago, our fore
fathers emigrating to India, had to start
afresh in a new land. Spreading from inadequate.
Kathiawad to Gujarat, as the commun
ity established itself in various places,
we find our priests making a kind of obliged to keep accounts relating to munity became more aware of the
collective effort to take under their con- their business or occupations knew the necessity of improving the priestly fold,
trol a congregation at will. In this way rudiments of mathematics. The few who The educated young men and women of
separate ‘punthaks’ are formed and each had contacts with the courts of Navabs the community were attracted to Chris-
‘punthak’inherits the contract of prac- studied Persian. A handful of dasturs tian priests because ofthe quality of their
tising within the appointed limits of its and mobeds wrote books in Gujerati learning and of their character.
Well-wishers of the community
believed that if the sons of mobeds were
given such fine training, the community
could attain qualified priests to suit the
Conditions changed from the begin- enlightened age. Until that time the sons
ning of the 19th century. With the intro- of mobeds were trained for the priestly
duction of English education many sons profession at Navsari, Udvada, Surat or
Broach, in the homes of experts in the
field of religious study. The sons of
mobeds went daily to the homes of these
savants for seven or eight years to pray,
and after being perfectly initiated into
the study necessary for becoming a
Navar or a Maratab and into the knowl-
fold. On the other hand the members of and' in Persian and contributed to the
each ‘punthak’ through individual field of literature. Such a state of affairs
effort, manage to secure a laity of vary- continued up to the end of the I Sth cen-
ing dimensions and pose as their heredi- tury.
tary ‘punthaks’ or their family priests.
In former times laymen were usually
farmers, toddy tappers, wine vendors,
or grocers. As there were more priests of priests like those of laymen started
than the laity could maintain, besides taking advantage of it. Within two or
performing prayers and ceremonies the three decades the number of western
priests cooked food meant for sanctifi- qualified mobeds increased. These
cation, prepared sweetmeats for cerem- young men withdrew from their paren-
onies, wove cloth, maintained small tai profession, with the result that as
shops and carried on various incidental time passed on and English education
occupations. Their womenfolk assisted advanced, Athornan youths having sim- edge of performing ceremonies, they
them in all their work. Besides, as they ilar western qualifications as the sons of stepped forth to practise as priests.
________ ________________________________ _ TO BE CONTINUED
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contd. from pg. /
“A trusteeship that has
lasted 300 years does not
need any recommendation.”
4
!
poration was dominated by the stal
warts of your community for many
years,” he noted.
Noted social worker. Gulestan Billi-
moria pointed out that the BPP “rend
ers service from the womb to the tomb.”
She related how the Parsis at the begin
ning of the present century built housing
colonies because they “thought every
Parsi should- have a roof over their became the new chairman of the BPP,
heads.” Subsequently there was a lull, requested the dignitaries present to
“It is a pity tnat when land was available
at very cheap rates and even funds
would have been forthcoming, the trus
tees of the Bombay Parsi Punchayet of and until cleared, housing projects
those days did not have the foresight would be stalled,
and the wisdom to acquire that land and
build (as a result today we have) the celebrations “should have taken place in
^rim spectacle of 4,000 Parsis clamour- 1973” and that “some critics may say the
ing for accommodation, knocking at the wheels of the Parsi Punchayet do move
doors of the Parsi Punchayet.” slowly.” However, he was happy the
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— Bombay
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*1
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h
;gSSwW«i»»'
fi
B
Hl
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pl
Parsis should follow the
precept of the Bible and
“go out and multiply.”
celebrations were held while Botnan-
Behram was chairman.
Indeed it was a fitting end to Boman-
Behram’s 20 years on the board of trus
tees, six of which were as chairman.
Enmeshed in numerous controversies
and the recipient of more brickbats than
bouquets, the beleaguered chairman’s
Dr. Aspi Golwalla, who recently final days were made memorable by the
* ¦ grandness of the tercentenary function
and the distinguished gathering.
The tercentenary marked the end of
an era, one which saw the alienation of
tions were pending with the government the Punchayet from the community. But
with the new awakening and conscious
ness aroused by the Anjuman Commit
tee elections last year, the induction of a
new trustee, Jamsheed Kanga, and a
general mood of conciliation and prag
matism, the next 100 years have begun
on an optimistic note.
Hidayatullah garlanding Desai at Birla
function; BPP chief-executive
Anklesaria at right.
sanction No Objection Certificates to
the BPP for building. He noted applica-
Golwalla explained the tercentenary
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The multiplicity of projects
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> 1
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◆ ◆ ◆
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