Countdown to 350
The Bombay Parsi Punchayet (BPP) is approaching its 350th anniversary. The founding years of the august body are estimated to be between 1672 and 1675, according to former BPP secretary Sapur Desai in his monumental work, History of the Bombay Parsi Punchayet: 1860 to 1960. That means the BPP could observe the milestone anytime in the next four years. The occasion provides the new board of trustees to be elected on March 27, 2022 enough time to decide how best to observe the landmark. They could use the sesquarcentennial to set a new course for the trust, to burnish its tarnished image and perhaps, most crucially, raise funds.
If they do so the trustees will be following in the footsteps of their illustrious predecessors who kept the institution going these past three-and-a-half centuries. During this time the BPP grew, expanded and prospered despite the difficulties the trustees confronted. When and why the trust’s image became sullied needs to be analyzed. In the 1970s, when the trustees wanted to create a housing colony on the land they claimed was adjacent to, but not part of, Doongerwadi, few came forward to donate funds. It was only when industrialist Naoroji Godrej stepped forward with an offer to finance and construct houses on condition that some of his Parsi employees be allotted flats, that the project took off. The then BPP chairman Dr Aspi Golwalla and environmentalist and industrialist Sohrab Godrej met Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in Delhi on July 15, 1982 to obtain the crucial Urban Land Ceiling clearance to permit the construction of residential property. It is thanks to the Godrej family’s magnanimity that the colony — Godrej Baug — exists today and comprises over 500 flats that house around 1,500 residents.
A former BPP chief executive officer, the late Mehli Colah, once mentioned to Parsiana that in the old days people bequeathed their wealth to the trust. But that practice fell into disuse. The community lost faith in the once premier body.
Before pughree (market value of a property) became officially acceptable for transfer of rented premises, the BPP could not legally earn money through auctioning or monetizing of tenancies/licenses. The trustees at that time were said on occasion to unofficially accept pughree payments in cash. Though the money was said to be routed back to the trust, the practice earned the trustees much ignominy. Due to the Rent Control Act, rental charges were fixed and could only be increased marginally. Thus renting of property became economically unviable for landlords. Consequently they lacked the financial wherewithal to maintain the structures.
But in those days one did not hear of BPP employees’ salaries being delayed, or contractors’ bills remaining unpaid. So why, despite auctioning flats on leave and licence to the highest bidder, is the BPP in debt today and by its own admission having an outstanding of over 11 crore rupees (USD 1,464,178)?
At the two meetings held last October with activists to discuss the holding of the much delayed elections for two trusteeship seats (see "A tale of two meetings," Parsiana, October 21-November 6, 2021), several participants complained that no communication whatsoever is received from the BPP. The community remains totally in the dark regarding the goings-on in the trust. No accounts are published and circulated, no Samast Anjuman meetings held. Even The BPP Review ceased publication almost a decade ago. On social media neither the website titled Bombay Parsi Punchayet nor the Facebook Page appear to be run by the trust. How then is the BPP to gain the public’s confidence?
This was not always the case. In December 1981 the trust published the Statistical Outline (1971-1981) comprising "important statistical information of the activities of the Bombay Parsi Punchayet," as stated by Golwalla.
The 60-page, 4" x 5" booklet contains a wealth of information on births, marriages, divorces and deaths during the decade as well as other data. It lists 15 institutions run by the BPP, six to seven of which are now inactive, defunct or taken over by other trusts. Some new institutions have been added since, such as the Shapoorji Fakirji Jokhi Agiary at Godrej Baug. Annual donations received by the trust doubled from 1971 (Rs 7,18, 919/USD 9,569) to 1982 (Rs 14,82,792/USD 19,737). The total fixed deposits with the trust were Rs 8.17 crores (USD 1,074,174). Of this Rs 3.03 crores (USD 403,314) were the funds of various "anjumans of India and other institutions for which the BPP acts as mere custodians. The corpus is kept intact and only the income thereof is sent to the respective ‘karobaries’ for meeting the day-to-day expenses." Sadly, many members of The Federation of the Parsi Zoroastrian Anjumans of India complained that this interest is not remitted to them as the bankrupt BPP utilizes the amount to cover its own expenses! Appeals for return of the capital amount have reportedly gone unheeded.
The Outline noted the total number of deaths reported at Doongerwadi in 1971 was 1,032 (number of those cremated is not mentioned), of which the highest numbers were 535 due to cardiac arrest and 102 to cancer. (In 2020 the total number of deaths was 841 of which 721 were consigned to Doongerwadi and 120 cremated.) The age group 71 to 80 in 1971 saw the greatest number of deaths: 310. The excess of births over deaths was 343 (for the past several years Parsi birth figures are not provided by the Bombay Municipal Corporation but may be estimated around 150). Hence deaths over births would be closer to 700 in 2020. The number of Parsi to Parsi marriages in 1971 was 466. Interfaith marriage statistics are not stated. (In 2020, due to Covid and being a leap year the number of Parsi to Parsi marriages dropped to 42 while interfaith marriages were 43. In 2019, the numbers were 123 and 99 respectively) . Hence Parsi to Parsi marriages have witnessed a drastic drop in numbers.
Perhaps only in housing can we see an improvement in the number of flats available for the community. The number of rented flats listed in the booklet was 3,435. Ownership flats are not included. Today the figure is around 4,200 (presumably including ownership flats). Ironically, while the Parsi population has probably decreased by more than half since 1971, the number of flats has increased. Thus housing is no counter to a dwindling Parsi population.
The data culled by a diligent BPP 40 years ago helps us place community development in perspective. The study demonstrates that despite their mammoth real estate responsibilities, the trustees still found the time, money and effort to collect and collate crucial community data. Without facts and figures, no meaningful planning can be undertaken. If the new trustees who occupy the august office in March need a blueprint on how to proceed, they should emulate the best practices of their predecessors.