Outliving its purpose?

There are two agiaries at different ends of the spectrum in Bharuch. One is the Homawalla Agiary lovingly restored by the family members. The other is the Pestonji Aslaji Doongaji Agiary which was a dilapidated and neglected structure with an outhouse partially destroyed by a fallen tree when we visited it in December 2009 (but was renovated around six months ago.)

Solar lights had been fitted atop the walls of the Homawalla Agiary, thoughtfully brought from Canada by a family member. After a jashan to mark the completion of the eight-month-long restoration, worshippers gathered around as a family member played the tune of Chhaiyé Hamé Zarthoshti on the saxophone. People lined up to place sandalwood at the entrance of the kebla. At the Doongaji Agiary, an elderly man and woman manned the structure. A priest commuted from another of the four agiaries in the south Gujarat city to offer boi, but presumably not five times a day. The adarian fire looked all but extinguished whilst a few red embers glowed from the dadgah fire. Anyone, Parsi or non-Parsi, could have walked in and out.

The Homawalla Agiary is located in the heart of Bharuch. The Doongaji fire is further away but fortunately a stone’s throw from the the building that houses the offices of the Bharuch Parsi Panchayat. The Panchayat officials keep an eye on the Agiary. Its location is striking, overlooking the Narmada River which is now but a small stream after being dammed.

With four agiaries amongst nearly 100 residents of Bharuch, the Doongaji Agiary would have remained in oblivion. But twice in the past 30 years or so moves were made to shift the fire, first to the Shapoorji Fakirji Jokhi Agiary at Godrej Baug and recently to the fire temple under construction in New Bombay. The proposed shift, then and now, raised the hackles of the traditionalists who rallied to stymie the first move and may succeed a second time around. Already there is talk of approaching the courts to prevent any transfer. One can understand public sentiment in retaining the status quo. But the people who oppose the shift should also undertake to maintain the fire temple, frequent its portals and pray before the atash. Opposition for the sake of sentiment alone serves little purpose.

Six high priests have written a letter (signatures of two are awaited) endorsing the shift: "We have noted that the fire temple at Bharuch remains closed and locked most of the time. Hardly any worshippers visit the Agiary... Furthermore the location as of now is very difficult to access." The letter notes the dadgah fire will remain in Bharuch as will the physical structure. Only the adarian fire would be moved. Hence, "we the (High) Priests recommend the transfer of the Holy Fire to Koparkhairane, New Bombay where about 450 Parsis have already established themselves and are eagerly awaiting an agiary."

The dasturs also assured the traditionalists that the New Bombay Agiary will "in no way... be a universal agiary or open to all communities." Admission would be only for Parsi/Irani Zoroastrians. There was a fear the agiary may be cosmopolitan. But if that were so, donors would have been hard to come by.

Dr Meher Mistry, originally from Bharuch, who did her doctorate on "A history of some Parsi settlements on the Western Coast of India 1600-1850" notes, "The Narielwala Agiary is in the same vicinity to cater to the religious needs of the few who reside in the Vejalpur area (hence) there should be no objection to the shifting of the Doongaji fire."

Should the New Bombay trustees wish to serve the religious needs of the growing number of interfaith married couples (35% in 2015), in addition to a consecrated fire, the trustees and the clergy could consider having a gas fire in an adjoining hall where everyone could worship. As the fire would not be a consecrated one, there would be no question of disrespecting or defiling the flame. It could be put off at night and relit in the morning or whenever there are people present. This happens in some North American dar-e-mehers and negates the need to fell trees for wood. Zoroastrianism prides itself on being environmentally friendly. This alternative would permit a larger number of devotees and especially interfaith couples to pray as a family, instead of the non-Parsi mother or father or children having to wait outside in the compound or on the road.

So many agiaries have adjoining, adjacent or separate halls lying idle where non-Parsi worshippers could be accommodated without in any way inconveniencing the Parsi Zoroastrian devotees. Lay people and even women could tend to this section. A priest is not essential. Aside from resulting in more footfalls, the fire temple’s dwindling revenues could be supplemented. Also non-Parsis who to try to surreptitiously enter a fire temple may not do so as they could legally enter the other prayer hall. This would fortify the policy restricting entry only to Parsi Zoroastrians in the presence of the consecrated fire. In Iran, non-Zoroastrians may enter the fire temples but view the fire only through a glass partition.

Should there be an objection to non-Parsis even entering the premises (though some agairies permit non-Parsi staff to swab the floors, keeping the kebla door shut at the time) the non-consecrated fire could be kept in a detached structure where such exists.

Even in the baugs where many non-Parsis gather for navjote, lagan and other functions such symbolic fires could be kept for the general public. Besides the devotional purpose, the replica would throw light on the community’s religious practices without causing any offence.

At present even Parsis entering a fire temple are suspect. Two Parsi journalists at the recent Iranshah Utsav were asked outside the Atash Behram’s portals whether they were Parsis, as a result of which neither of them entered the premises. One had even carried sandalwood from Bombay. And why were they questioned? Was their skin color too dark? Or too fair? Did their features not conform to the guardian’s expectations of what the ideal Parsi looks like? Should a shade card be put up along with the appropriate features to determine entry, so the racial profiling may have a more objective basis? One can enter a Christian church, a Hindu or Buddhist temple, a Jewish synagogue, an Islamic mosque with barely anyone questioning one’s right of entry.

Traditionally, fire temples were built where the Parsi population was growing in a locality. When the populace shifted, the fire temples followed suit. Those that didn’t, either fell into disuse, disappeared, were encroached upon or lay dilapidated and neglected like the Doongaji Agiary. For an agiary to achieve its objectives there has to be a certain quantum of worshippers, below which it makes little sense to continue. A fire temple is not there to serve an existentialist purpose. It is meant to serve the local community and vice versa. When a house of worship no longer serves that purpose, its reason to exist, other than as an archeological monument, ceases.