"The wall is strong"
One thousand Muslims were not massacred; 800 Muslims and 200 Hindus died due to communal violence in round numbers; 230 are designated missing...including a Parsi youth.
Furthermore, this did not happen in Godhra. The train bogies caught fire in Godhra and the passengers on the train were mostly Hindus.
There is no argument that those charged should be entitled to bail or a speedy trial and due process of law.
Yes, there are double standards for politicians and the average citizen. This is due to power struggles, absence of sensitivity, coupled with religious fervor; corruption and absence of proper investigation and application of laws. It is also a systemic problem which makes it still harder.
PORUS DADABHOY
Chicago, Illinois, USA
porusdad@gmail.com
The editors reply:
We quote from the write-up in Wikipedia: "The 2002 Gujarat violence, also known as the Gujarat pogrom was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat. Following the initial incident there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three weeks; statewide, there were further outbreaks of mass killings against the minority Muslim population for three months. The burning of a train in Godhra on February 27, 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 people including Hindu activists returning from Ayodhya, is believed to have triggered the violence…
"According to official figures, the riots resulted in the deaths of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus; 2,500 people were injured non-fatally, and 223 more were reported missing. Other sources estimate that up to 2,000 Muslims died. There were instances of rape, children being burned alive, and widespread looting and destruction of property. Chief Minister Narendra Modi has been accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as have police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them…
"While officially classified as a communalist riot, the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars. Other independent observers have stated that these events had met the ‘legal definition of genocide,’ and called it an instance of state terrorism. Still others have said the incidents were tantamount to ethnic cleansing. Instances of mass violence which occurred include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly alongside a police training camp, the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri, a former parliamentarian, was among those killed, and several incidents in Vadodara city...
"On July 29, 2012, an Indian court gave the verdict in the Naroda Patiya massacre case and convicted 32 people, including former (Gujarat) state minister Maya Kodnani and Hindu leader Babu Bajrangi of involvement in the attacks.
"The report also made mention of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Modi in ‘Promoting the attitudes of racial supremacy, racial hatred and the legacy of Nazism through his government’s support of school textbooks in which Nazism is glorified.’ The US state department also found that Modi revised high school textbooks to describe Hitler’s ‘charismatic personality’ and the ‘achievements of Nazism...’
"The state government initially offered compensation payments of Rs 2,00,000 to the families of those who died in the Godhra train fire and Rs 1,00,000 to the families of those who died in the subsequent riots, which local Muslims described as discriminatory.
"By March 27, nearly 1,00,000 displaced people moved into 101 relief camps. This swelled to over 1,50,000 in 104 camps during the next two weeks. The camps were run by community groups and NGOs (nongovernmental organizations), with the government committing to provide amenities and supplementary services. Drinking water, medical help, clothing and blankets were in short supply at the camps. At least another 100 camps were denied government support, according to a camp organizer and relief supplies were prevented from reaching the camps over fears that they may be carrying arms. On September 9, 2002, Narendra Modi during his speech mentioned that he was against running relief camps.
"‘What, brother, should we run relief camps? Should I start children-producing centers there? We want to achieve progress by pursuing the policy of family planning with determination. Amé paanch, Amara pachhees (we are five and we have 25)! … Can’t Gujarat implement family planning? Whose inhibitions are coming in our way? Which religious sect is coming in the way?’"