The new newscasters
While the proposed Code of Conduct (CoC) for the upcoming Bombay Parsi Punchayet (BPP) trusteeship elections was being discussed, one cynic noted that the trustees themselves were in need of a behavioral code. The person must have been prescient. Barely a month later the most shameful incident in the recorded history of the once august trust occurred. One trustee was on the verge of assaulting another with a chair. While the alleged perpetrator denies the charge, claiming he had strained a ligament and held on to the chair for balance, others in the BPP boardroom at the May 12, 2015 weekly Tuesday meet claim the intent was assault and that the opposition had provoked the outrage.
Fortunately the public is spared the weekly trustees’ specter, though an audio recording of the heated one-and-a-half minutes covering the incident has gone viral with emails and apps circulated throughout May 13 and 14, portraying the BPP chairman as the culprit. A more balanced report put out by Parsiana on its website, Facebook page, Twitter account, WhatsApp messages, SMSes and email was no match for the original message that speedily made its way across the globe.
The first time one realized the power of messages on WhatsApp was when opponents of proposed reforms at the Delhi Parsi Anjuman (DPA) sent out a distorted and even fraudulent statement of what was to be placed before the members at the annual general meeting. So effective and convincing was the WhatsApp message that even the Federation of the Parsi Zoroastrian Anujumans of India (FPZAI) which was meeting that very day in Bombay passed a resolution condemning the changes and asking Delhi to resist from incorporating them. The DPA obliged, not because of the FPZAI request but because of opposition from the association’s general body. In the Delhi case also, Parsiana’s report stating the factual position was much less effective than the original WhatsApp content. It appears being first adds considerably more mileage.
So is community decision making and information dissemination now being determined by the electronic and social media? To some extent yes, depending on the veracity, assumed or otherwise, of the message.
The alleged chair assault incident occurred in the evening. By the next morning the WhatsApp item was circulating widely. Parsiana received the original message over a dozen times and the audio recording around six times, though that came a day later. The Mumbai Mirror which gives the community considerable coverage thanks to their intrepid and persistent correspondent Jyoti Shelar, carried the most detailed report, followed by Nergish Sunavala’s report in the widely read The Times of India both on May 14. Ashutosh Shukla of the DNA also wrote on the fracas. The general media now officially or unofficially assigns reporters particular communities to cover, along with their other responsibilities. Hence the reporters are familiar with the issues, the main decision makers and influence wielders in the community. They can put together a story in less than an hour or two, place it on the publication’s website, social media platforms and carry the news in print the very next day.
Where does that leave the community print media? Parsi Times is distributed on Saturday, the Jam-e-Jamshed on Sunday (The Bombay Samachar’s Parsi tari arsi Sunday column has not been appearing for several months) and Parsiana on the 7th and 21st of every month. By the time the Parsi Press carries the story, it is dated. But the Parsi Press is still relevant because not every story is circulated on WhatsApp and featured in the general media. Only the important events appear. Hence there is much left to write about: out of Bombay stories, FPZAI meetings, agiary salgirahs, young achievers, new entrepreneurs, baug, anjuman and association news, stories of overseas Zoroastrians, changing mores, religious debates, disposal of the dead, interfaith marriages, elections and so forth.
The role of the media came to the fore recently when drawing up the proposed CoC that may still see the light of day, despite the trustees’ internecine squabbles. No one can be publicly seen as opposing such a code, no matter what their private reservations may be. The role of the media in the elections was also discussed with a suggestion that perhaps the Parsi Press should also sign a CoC. This was understandably opposed by a segment of the Press as an infringement of their rights.
A request, however, to exercise caution while carrying articles or advertisements is being considered. But as was pointed out, the Parsi Press is headed by levelheaded and responsible individuals who have to keep their readers’, advertisers’ and well-wishers’ point of view in mind. Bringing out a publication implies high costs of staff, rentals, printing, paper and distribution, etc. There is much to lose by being irresponsible.
The greater danger is therefore from the social and electronic media where any individual could make any claim or statement anonymously or by disclosing their name, at almost no cost and being answerable to no one. A smart phone can cost under Rs 700 and internet connections can be accessed for as little as Rs 100. A list of contacts is all one needs to create a public pulpit. No wonder the Chinese government and other dictatorships monitor and control the world wide web so ruthlessly.
The BPP trustees and the candidates can’t do likewise. They have to live with this new reality. Going to the courts is expensive and time consuming. By the time one gets a decision the damage is already done. But the leadership can appeal to their followers and others to exercise restraint and decorum.
But recent developments indicate the BPP at least is in no position to talk about decorum, after the trustees labeling one another "chors (thieves)" Can their endorsement of any CoC therefore carry weight? A CoC must appeal to one’s sense of decency and fair play. Expect tumultuous times ahead.