Editorial Viewpoint
A case study that wasn’t
Of the many tragic stories in the community, few could match the saga of the dysfunctional Bejan Batliwalla family. Out of the family of five, three are dead: the father, Bejan, aged 34, daughter Farzin, aged seven, and son Yazaad, aged four.
According to some sources Bejan had abandoned his family though some reports alleged he would make occasional nocturnal visits. The mother, Nisha, who worked as a domestic assistant and reportedly kept the children locked in a room when she went to work, clearly did not appear to be capable of managing her young family. This would have been apparent to any person who had met her, heard her story or taken any interest in the family.
Two-and-a-half years ago Farzin died from malnutrition. The doctor who performed the post mortem, Dr Anil Kumar Yadav, of the primary health center at Navghar reportedly stated, “The child had not eaten anything for the last two days. Even if she had been vomiting, there would have been some traces of food in her body. She had a fever for one-and-a-half months and (had) not been treated. Though the immediate cause of death is anemia, we have sent samples from the liver and other vital organs for pathological tests. I also suspect the child had malaria.” Her body was buried presumably at Vasai where the family resided. Her funerary ceremonies, neglected by the Bombay Parsi Punchayet (BPP) trustees, were performed courtesy the Association for Revival of Zoroastrianism (ARZ) 11 days after her death.
Farzin’s death from starvation made the front pages of the mass circulated Mumbai Mirror tabloid. Other news media, community publications and television channels covered the avoidable tragedy. How in a wealthy and charitable community could a child die of starvation? they wondered. How indeed? Assuming the BPP trustees were too pressured with housing, litigation and internecine feuds, were there no other social organizations in the community that could have stepped in? Apparently not.
On September 22 this year, Farzin’s four-year-old brother, Yazaad, died. This time at least his body was consigned to the Bombay Doongerwadi and funerary rites performed. There were no reports on what brought about his death but there can be little doubt as to the cause. Gross neglect, not only by the parents but by the community at large.
The boy’s death was brought to the public’s notice through the diligence of community activist Dr Viraf Kapadia. Bejan’s death due to pulmonary tuberculosis this December 11 was publicized by activist Mehernosh Fitter.
Fitter was informed of the death because Bejan’s father and others reportedly had a problem in releasing the body from the MCGM Group of Tuberculosis Hospitals, Sewri. Bejan’s name in the Hospital’s register had been entered as Vivek Firoz Patel and religion as Hindu.
Could an erroneous name have been given through oversight or ignorance? “The same name Vivek Firoz Patel was recorded in our documents (on) his previous admissions in this Hospital” on September 24, 2010, May 5, 2011, July 23, 2011 and August 17 to December 11 when he expired, noted the superintendent.
Even in the death certificate the name is stated as Vivek Firoze Patel but through the intervention of Fitter and an affidavit filed by Batliwalla’s father, Firoze, claiming “that during admission his name was wrongly recorded,” Vivek and Patel have a line drawn across them and Bejan and Batliwalla are inked in.
On the basis of this amended death certificate, Batliwalla/Patel’s body was consigned to Doongerwadi. No affidavit was reportedly asked for or submitted stating he continued to profess the Zoroastrian faith. When Goolrookh Gupta changed her first name to Neha, the trustees of the Bulsar (Valsad) Parsi Anjuman and the BPP trumpeted to all that an inference could be drawn she had changed her religion even though in her statements submitted to the court she said she continued to profess the Zoroastrian faith. On account of her marriage to a non-Parsi, albeit under the provision of the Special Marriage Act 1954 which does not require either spouse to forsake their religion, she and others like her were barred entry to the local fire temple and the Towers of Silence complex.
Does the BPP have one rule for Parsi women and another for Parsi men? If so they should announce their gender-based policy publicly. And if not, then why are different criteria used for differing sexes? Parsiana sent a letter dated December 23, 2011 to the BPP trustees requesting them to outline their policy on the subject. Till the time of going to press, December 30, 2011, no reply was received.
But the intention of publicizing the Batliwalla family saga is to highlight a collective community failure in assisting disadvantaged and socially impaired members.
In a note prepared over six years ago, Homi Mullan, then an executive with the BPP noted, “Bejan initially worked at our Doongerwadi as a ‘bungli kamdar (worker),’ and later worked as a solar tower operator... Bejan was the best and (most) skilled operator with talent to carry out repairs and maintenance. He was not happy with this duty… due to loss in earnings from ‘asodad/tips’ that he earned as a ‘bungli kamdar.’ Moreover, the work was hard (spending) the day in the hot sun, (with) the stench and the site of decaying corpses on whom the solar focus had to be maintained.
“He was then staying in Vasai in a rented place at Rs 1,000 per month which he could hardly afford with his meager salary. Bejan’s plea for a place to stay in a ‘kholi/hut’ at the Ambawadi land of the BPP, near Doongerwadi was passed by the BPP board, and minuted. Yet, for one reason or the other of non-availability the matter dragged on and on… (The quarters) would have also facilitated (his reporting) for work at 7 a.m., everyday, to position the solar discs, before the first ‘paidast (funeral)…’
“It was creditable and courageous for Bejan to have married and raised a family. Bejan had a train accident and had damaged his leg; (he) was absent for some time, and later with his handicap he would attend to his duties by climbing on solar towers, and working in the sun. Gradually, Bejan became irregular at work in the abject stress of poverty and work conditions, and later stopped reporting for work. This was many years ago, and (I) do not know as to how the family has survived all these years. Could Bejan be located, rehabilitated, settled and the family re-united? This is truly a case study for the community to resolve; there would be many such Bejans existing, and in the making.” Sad but true.
According to some sources Bejan had abandoned his family though some reports alleged he would make occasional nocturnal visits. The mother, Nisha, who worked as a domestic assistant and reportedly kept the children locked in a room when she went to work, clearly did not appear to be capable of managing her young family. This would have been apparent to any person who had met her, heard her story or taken any interest in the family.
Two-and-a-half years ago Farzin died from malnutrition. The doctor who performed the post mortem, Dr Anil Kumar Yadav, of the primary health center at Navghar reportedly stated, “The child had not eaten anything for the last two days. Even if she had been vomiting, there would have been some traces of food in her body. She had a fever for one-and-a-half months and (had) not been treated. Though the immediate cause of death is anemia, we have sent samples from the liver and other vital organs for pathological tests. I also suspect the child had malaria.” Her body was buried presumably at Vasai where the family resided. Her funerary ceremonies, neglected by the Bombay Parsi Punchayet (BPP) trustees, were performed courtesy the Association for Revival of Zoroastrianism (ARZ) 11 days after her death.
Farzin’s death from starvation made the front pages of the mass circulated Mumbai Mirror tabloid. Other news media, community publications and television channels covered the avoidable tragedy. How in a wealthy and charitable community could a child die of starvation? they wondered. How indeed? Assuming the BPP trustees were too pressured with housing, litigation and internecine feuds, were there no other social organizations in the community that could have stepped in? Apparently not.
On September 22 this year, Farzin’s four-year-old brother, Yazaad, died. This time at least his body was consigned to the Bombay Doongerwadi and funerary rites performed. There were no reports on what brought about his death but there can be little doubt as to the cause. Gross neglect, not only by the parents but by the community at large.
The boy’s death was brought to the public’s notice through the diligence of community activist Dr Viraf Kapadia. Bejan’s death due to pulmonary tuberculosis this December 11 was publicized by activist Mehernosh Fitter.
Fitter was informed of the death because Bejan’s father and others reportedly had a problem in releasing the body from the MCGM Group of Tuberculosis Hospitals, Sewri. Bejan’s name in the Hospital’s register had been entered as Vivek Firoz Patel and religion as Hindu.
Could an erroneous name have been given through oversight or ignorance? “The same name Vivek Firoz Patel was recorded in our documents (on) his previous admissions in this Hospital” on September 24, 2010, May 5, 2011, July 23, 2011 and August 17 to December 11 when he expired, noted the superintendent.
Even in the death certificate the name is stated as Vivek Firoze Patel but through the intervention of Fitter and an affidavit filed by Batliwalla’s father, Firoze, claiming “that during admission his name was wrongly recorded,” Vivek and Patel have a line drawn across them and Bejan and Batliwalla are inked in.
On the basis of this amended death certificate, Batliwalla/Patel’s body was consigned to Doongerwadi. No affidavit was reportedly asked for or submitted stating he continued to profess the Zoroastrian faith. When Goolrookh Gupta changed her first name to Neha, the trustees of the Bulsar (Valsad) Parsi Anjuman and the BPP trumpeted to all that an inference could be drawn she had changed her religion even though in her statements submitted to the court she said she continued to profess the Zoroastrian faith. On account of her marriage to a non-Parsi, albeit under the provision of the Special Marriage Act 1954 which does not require either spouse to forsake their religion, she and others like her were barred entry to the local fire temple and the Towers of Silence complex.
Does the BPP have one rule for Parsi women and another for Parsi men? If so they should announce their gender-based policy publicly. And if not, then why are different criteria used for differing sexes? Parsiana sent a letter dated December 23, 2011 to the BPP trustees requesting them to outline their policy on the subject. Till the time of going to press, December 30, 2011, no reply was received.
But the intention of publicizing the Batliwalla family saga is to highlight a collective community failure in assisting disadvantaged and socially impaired members.
In a note prepared over six years ago, Homi Mullan, then an executive with the BPP noted, “Bejan initially worked at our Doongerwadi as a ‘bungli kamdar (worker),’ and later worked as a solar tower operator... Bejan was the best and (most) skilled operator with talent to carry out repairs and maintenance. He was not happy with this duty… due to loss in earnings from ‘asodad/tips’ that he earned as a ‘bungli kamdar.’ Moreover, the work was hard (spending) the day in the hot sun, (with) the stench and the site of decaying corpses on whom the solar focus had to be maintained.
“He was then staying in Vasai in a rented place at Rs 1,000 per month which he could hardly afford with his meager salary. Bejan’s plea for a place to stay in a ‘kholi/hut’ at the Ambawadi land of the BPP, near Doongerwadi was passed by the BPP board, and minuted. Yet, for one reason or the other of non-availability the matter dragged on and on… (The quarters) would have also facilitated (his reporting) for work at 7 a.m., everyday, to position the solar discs, before the first ‘paidast (funeral)…’
“It was creditable and courageous for Bejan to have married and raised a family. Bejan had a train accident and had damaged his leg; (he) was absent for some time, and later with his handicap he would attend to his duties by climbing on solar towers, and working in the sun. Gradually, Bejan became irregular at work in the abject stress of poverty and work conditions, and later stopped reporting for work. This was many years ago, and (I) do not know as to how the family has survived all these years. Could Bejan be located, rehabilitated, settled and the family re-united? This is truly a case study for the community to resolve; there would be many such Bejans existing, and in the making.” Sad but true.
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