Editorial Viewpoint
Who will control the BPP?
We had first scheduled the Bombay Parsi Punchayet (BPP) election story for the cover of this issue. But when we learned that the World Alliance of Parsi Irani Zarthoshtis (WAPIZ) candidate Anahita Desai was not planning to hold any election meets initially, we felt the story may appear one-sided. There would be no speeches nor interaction with voters to report on, no photographs to illustrate the story. Our request for a manifesto was turned down by Desai who stated through her associate Tannaz Parakh that she was unwilling to forward any material to Parsiana and that we should rely on the WAPIZ Page and other written content (WAPIZ since its inception has refused to have any truck with Parsiana, refusing to even let us attend their inaugural bash. Both WAPIZ trustees elected to the BPP refused to grant interviews).
Till date no manifesto has been published aside from a write-up in the WAPIZ Page narrating what she hoped to achieve if elected. There was no mention of her age, her educational qualifications or any jobs she may have held. (At the time of going to press we are informed that her public meetings will start from June 3.)
On June 1, 2011 the Afternoon Despatch and Courier daily carried an interview wherein her age is mentioned as 46 years and her schooling was at Queen Mary’s and college at St Xavier’s. There is no mention of any employment, business experience or prior social work. She is now being touted as the chief executive officer of WAPIZ.
The independent candidate Muncherji Cama who is supported by the BPP chairman Dinshaw Mehta and trustee Arnavaz Mistry has held five electoral meetings in the last week of May alone. His campaign is gathering steam with the meet on May 31 at Dadar reflecting a strong anti-WAPIZ sentiment, not visibly demonstrated at the other four meets.
While Cama is restrained in his attacks on Desai or WAPIZ, opting instead to state how he manages the numerous trusts he is associated with, Mehta goes for WAPIZ hammer and tongs. He refers to Anahita as being “the face of BPP trustee Yazdi Desai” and speaks of WAPIZ’s “hidden agenda” to take control of the BPP as they have of the Federation of the Parsi Zoroastrian Anjumans of India (FPZAI).
If Anahita is elected, WAPIZ would have three trustees on the apex BPP; with the additional support of BPP trustee Jimmy Mistry who has thrown in his lot with the trio, WAPIZ would have a majority on the seven member board. If on the other hand Cama wins, then the board would be divided three to three with BPP trustee Armaity Tirandaz professing to be neutral. She has divided loyalties between Jimmy and Mehta, both of whom actively campaigned to get her elected in 2009 following the untimely death of her husband and BPP trustee, Rustom.
In the present election she has wisely decided not to back either candidate. We may assume that policy will continue. But in future if there is a three-to-three tie in the BPP board and she abstains from voting, Mehta as chairman would have the casting vote. Hence how long Tirandaz can remain neutral has to be seen. (Mehta has alleged at the election meets that though the BPP is supposed to function with seven trustees, in reality it only works with only four — Mehta, Arnavaz, Khojeste Mistree and Tirandaz; Jimmy attends the 6 pm meetings at 8 pm and Yazdi at 8.30. The meetings then drag on till 10.30 or 11 pm as much of the discussions and decisions have to be rehashed for the benefit of the latecomers.)
What is surprising is Jimmy’s support for WAPIZ. One assumed he would be closer to Mehta. They both share an interest in housing, both are businessmen and neither of them is rabidly orthodox. Khojeste and Yazdi in contrast are committed to upholding orthodoxy. If Anahita loses, Jimmy’s ambitions in the BPP, especially in housing development, would suffer a significant setback. (Mehta is not one to forget and forgive easily.)
Whoever wins is going to face a divided board. As Mehta points out till the elections were announced the relations between the six trustees had been “harmonious.” With the departure of BPP trustee Noshir Dadrawala, a major irritant was removed. But in reality Dadrawala’s resignation after two-and-a-half years in office caused the imperceptible fissures between the remaining six to manifest. No one assumed the six would or could remain friends.
It is the nature of political bodies to be riven with factions. Our legislative assemblies demonstrate these dissensions regularly. Fissures are an integral part of coalition based government. It is only when one party dominates that the internecine struggles are kept in check.
As Mehta relates the narration, he had approached several prominent Parsis to stand as consensus candidates acceptable to all; those approached initially turned him down. With Cama earlier indicating he would not stand, WAPIZ took the initiative, reportedly egged on by Jimmy, to announce Anahita’s candidature. For a day or so it appeared that WAPIZ’s bête noire, property developer and chartered accountant Zarir Bhathena, would enter the electoral fray. But a successful bid at an auction for some prime BPP plot to be developed raised the possibility of a conflict of interest. Mehta had no recourse except to join the chorus pressuring Cama to contest. (Insiders claim it was Mehta’s proffered support that finally tilted the scales in favor of Cama contesting.)
In the FPZAI, WAPIZ has total control. Four of the five vice presidents have endorsed Anahita’s candidature. And yet despite the all-India body being under their tutelage, WAPIZ has no accomplishments to show. Aside from holding meetings regularly the FPZAI remains little more than a Maharashtra-Gujarat based talk shop. Nearly all the major anjumans refrain from attending, not wanting to be humiliated by the smaller anjumans present nor keen to receive a verbal barrage from the brusque WAPIZ chairman and FPZAI vice president, Areez Khambatta.
If with an overwhelming majority WAPIZ has little to show on the Federation, will the results be any different if they control the BPP?
Till date no manifesto has been published aside from a write-up in the WAPIZ Page narrating what she hoped to achieve if elected. There was no mention of her age, her educational qualifications or any jobs she may have held. (At the time of going to press we are informed that her public meetings will start from June 3.)
On June 1, 2011 the Afternoon Despatch and Courier daily carried an interview wherein her age is mentioned as 46 years and her schooling was at Queen Mary’s and college at St Xavier’s. There is no mention of any employment, business experience or prior social work. She is now being touted as the chief executive officer of WAPIZ.
The independent candidate Muncherji Cama who is supported by the BPP chairman Dinshaw Mehta and trustee Arnavaz Mistry has held five electoral meetings in the last week of May alone. His campaign is gathering steam with the meet on May 31 at Dadar reflecting a strong anti-WAPIZ sentiment, not visibly demonstrated at the other four meets.
While Cama is restrained in his attacks on Desai or WAPIZ, opting instead to state how he manages the numerous trusts he is associated with, Mehta goes for WAPIZ hammer and tongs. He refers to Anahita as being “the face of BPP trustee Yazdi Desai” and speaks of WAPIZ’s “hidden agenda” to take control of the BPP as they have of the Federation of the Parsi Zoroastrian Anjumans of India (FPZAI).
If Anahita is elected, WAPIZ would have three trustees on the apex BPP; with the additional support of BPP trustee Jimmy Mistry who has thrown in his lot with the trio, WAPIZ would have a majority on the seven member board. If on the other hand Cama wins, then the board would be divided three to three with BPP trustee Armaity Tirandaz professing to be neutral. She has divided loyalties between Jimmy and Mehta, both of whom actively campaigned to get her elected in 2009 following the untimely death of her husband and BPP trustee, Rustom.
In the present election she has wisely decided not to back either candidate. We may assume that policy will continue. But in future if there is a three-to-three tie in the BPP board and she abstains from voting, Mehta as chairman would have the casting vote. Hence how long Tirandaz can remain neutral has to be seen. (Mehta has alleged at the election meets that though the BPP is supposed to function with seven trustees, in reality it only works with only four — Mehta, Arnavaz, Khojeste Mistree and Tirandaz; Jimmy attends the 6 pm meetings at 8 pm and Yazdi at 8.30. The meetings then drag on till 10.30 or 11 pm as much of the discussions and decisions have to be rehashed for the benefit of the latecomers.)
What is surprising is Jimmy’s support for WAPIZ. One assumed he would be closer to Mehta. They both share an interest in housing, both are businessmen and neither of them is rabidly orthodox. Khojeste and Yazdi in contrast are committed to upholding orthodoxy. If Anahita loses, Jimmy’s ambitions in the BPP, especially in housing development, would suffer a significant setback. (Mehta is not one to forget and forgive easily.)
Whoever wins is going to face a divided board. As Mehta points out till the elections were announced the relations between the six trustees had been “harmonious.” With the departure of BPP trustee Noshir Dadrawala, a major irritant was removed. But in reality Dadrawala’s resignation after two-and-a-half years in office caused the imperceptible fissures between the remaining six to manifest. No one assumed the six would or could remain friends.
It is the nature of political bodies to be riven with factions. Our legislative assemblies demonstrate these dissensions regularly. Fissures are an integral part of coalition based government. It is only when one party dominates that the internecine struggles are kept in check.
As Mehta relates the narration, he had approached several prominent Parsis to stand as consensus candidates acceptable to all; those approached initially turned him down. With Cama earlier indicating he would not stand, WAPIZ took the initiative, reportedly egged on by Jimmy, to announce Anahita’s candidature. For a day or so it appeared that WAPIZ’s bête noire, property developer and chartered accountant Zarir Bhathena, would enter the electoral fray. But a successful bid at an auction for some prime BPP plot to be developed raised the possibility of a conflict of interest. Mehta had no recourse except to join the chorus pressuring Cama to contest. (Insiders claim it was Mehta’s proffered support that finally tilted the scales in favor of Cama contesting.)
In the FPZAI, WAPIZ has total control. Four of the five vice presidents have endorsed Anahita’s candidature. And yet despite the all-India body being under their tutelage, WAPIZ has no accomplishments to show. Aside from holding meetings regularly the FPZAI remains little more than a Maharashtra-Gujarat based talk shop. Nearly all the major anjumans refrain from attending, not wanting to be humiliated by the smaller anjumans present nor keen to receive a verbal barrage from the brusque WAPIZ chairman and FPZAI vice president, Areez Khambatta.
If with an overwhelming majority WAPIZ has little to show on the Federation, will the results be any different if they control the BPP?
◆ ◆ ◆
From the archive